The power in the union

　　工會的力量

　　Trampling Out the Vintage: Csar Chvez and theTwo Souls of the United Farm Workers. By FrankBardacke.

　　把葡萄踩在腳下：塞薩爾查韋斯以及美國農會的兩個靈魂人物。弗蘭克巴達克著。

　　He is trampling out the vintage is part of a linefrom The Battle Hymn of the Republic. Itcontinues where the grapes of wrath are stored. Thus the title of Frank Bardacke s historydeliberately echoes John Steinbeck s novel, a proletarian classic which tells the story oftenant farmers driven off their fields in Oklahoma and forced to cross the country to seekwork in California.

　　他踏在......是《共和國戰歌》里的一段，后接著擱憤怒葡萄的地方。因此，弗蘭克巴達克的史書的標題有意應和了約翰斯登貝克那部講述俄克拉荷馬失地佃農被迫橫穿美國到加州謀生的無產階級經典小說。

　　But, as Mr Bardacke stresses, a huge demographic difference divides then from now. In theDepression of the 1930s Steinbeck could present his impoverished Okies as deserving ofgovernment help because they were true American whites. It was harder for theirMexican-American successors to win public sympathy. They were brown, Spanish-speakingand considered aliens and sojourners.

　　但是，正如巴達克強調，從人口學上講，現在與過去已大不同。30年代大蕭條時，斯登貝克可以提出貧困的俄克拉荷馬人應得到政府幫助，因為他們是真正的美國白人。對墨西哥裔美國人來說，獲得公眾同情則比較難。這些棕色皮膚，說西班牙語的人被看作外國人和旅居者。

　　It took the genius of Csar Chvez, whose family was dispossessed of its land during hisboyhood, to bring them into the American mainstream. As a vegan inspired by Catholicsocial teaching and the non-violent methods of Mohandas Gandhi, Chvez was morecomfortable with religious people than political ones. He set out to create a movementrather than a union, leading a pilgrimage across the Central Valley of California to thestate capital, Sacramento, in 1966. When his followers were blocked by the police they kneltin prayer behind a picture of the Virgin of Guadalupe.

　　這使塞薩爾查韋斯，這個孩提時代便遭遇一家人流離失所的天才進入了美國主流社會。比起政界人士，作為一名受天主教社會教義以及莫罕達斯甘地非暴力主義鼓舞的素食主義者，他更認同宗教界人士。他打算發起一場運動，而非工會。這場運動是1966年由他領導的穿過加州中部山谷到達州府薩克拉門托的朝圣之旅。當被警察攔下時，他的追隨者跪在圣母像前做起了禱告。

　　The idealism of Chvez s movement and the fasts he endured to win support for strikingfarmworkers caught the public imagination. Other labour leaders looked on aghast as he builtan odd but strong coalition of farmworkers, religious enthusiasts, student radicals, politicians,artists and union officials. Working together they persuaded consumers in their millions toboycott the grapes, lettuces and other products of agribusinesses which refused to negotiatesincerely with the United Farm Workers . The tactic they perfected was described bycritics as victimhood. A photograph of a starving urchin was, for instance, captioned: Everygrape you buy helps keep this child hungry.

　　意在贏得罷工農民支持的查韋斯的運動的理論以及他所忍受的絕食引起了公眾的猜想。其他勞工領袖驚訝地發現，他建立了一個古怪的，卻集合了農民、宗教狂熱分子、學生激進分子、政治家、藝術家和工會干部的強大聯合。他們齊心協力勸說上百萬消費者抵制由拒絕真誠地與農會談判的農業公司所生產的產品：葡萄、生菜及其它。經他們完善的策略被評論家描述為受迫害情結。比如，一幅饑餓的兒童畫像下打出的標題是：你購買的每一顆葡萄都讓這個孩子挨餓。

　　Mr Bardacke is only half-impressed with all this. As he sees it Chvez had two mainresponsibilities: to sustain support for boycotts, which he did magnificently, and toadminister the union, which he did badly. The author notes that the union s membershipcontinued to decline in the late 1980s even after Chvez fasted for 36 days to support itsgrape boycott and anti-pesticide campaign. His verdict seems unduly harsh but then MrBardacke is an old-fashioned leftist. For him, strikebreakers are almost always scabs andgrowers not even worth listening to. This is a pity, for such prejudices mar an otherwiseintelligent, thorough history.

　　對此，巴達克則不置可否。依他之見，查韋斯擔負有兩個主要責任：維持對抵制的支持，這點他做得非常好，至于管理工會這點做得很糟糕。作者注明，即使查韋斯為聲援抵制葡萄及反殺蟲劑運動而絕食36天，工會會員數在80年代末期也不斷下降。他的結論看上去過于偏激，但巴達克是一名老左，對他來說，破壞罷工者幾乎全是工賊，而推波助瀾者甚至可以置之不理。這不得不說是種遺憾，因為其它方面的睿智的、深刻的歷史有損于這種偏見。

　　The UFW is indeed, as he contends, a shadow of its former self, but the odds against it eversucceeding as a conventional labour union were always impossibly large. Illegal migrantsfrom Mexico, poor and desperate for work, poured across the border to take the jobs ofUFW members and doom their strikes. The rival Teamsters union was no help. Its operativessabotaged UFW recruitment drives by telling farmworkers they would be much better off in atough professional union like theirs.

　　的確，正如他所主張的那樣，農會是其前身的影子。但它和它所繼承的傳統農會的差別一直很大。貧窮的、渴求工作的墨西哥非法移民如潮水般越過邊境，搶走了農會會員的飯碗，使得罷工失敗。其競爭對手，名為掌控者的工會對此一點忙都幫不上。他們告訴農民，加入像他們這樣強硬的職業工會日子會更好，這些行徑打擊了農會的招募新會員的動力。

　　Nonetheless Chvez left a significant legacy which is insufficiently acknowledged by MrBardacke. In leading by example and through the sheer force of his will he raised the statureof Mexican-Americans not just in California and the south-west but throughout the UnitedStates. In consequence, he is now held in the same high esteem as his black equivalent,Martin Luther King. Csar Chvez s portrait hangs in the National Gallery in Washington, DC.His statue stands on university campuses. Streets, parks and buildings are named after him.In California his birthday, March 31st, is a state holiday. His truth is marching on.

　　雖然不被巴達克完全認可，但查韋斯留下了一筆重要的遺產。榜樣以及他的遺志所產生的巨大力量不僅僅在加州和西南部，更在全美樹立了墨西哥裔美國人的形象。結果是，如今人們把他擺在了和馬丁路德金一樣受人尊敬的地位。塞薩爾查韋斯的畫像懸掛在華盛頓國家畫廊。他的塑像屹立在大學校園里。馬路、公園、建筑物以他的名字命名。在加州，他的生日，也就是3月31日，成了州立節日。他的真理將代代傳承。

　　The power in the union

　　工會的力量

　　Trampling Out the Vintage: Csar Chvez and theTwo Souls of the United Farm Workers. By FrankBardacke.

　　把葡萄踩在腳下：塞薩爾查韋斯以及美國農會的兩個靈魂人物。弗蘭克巴達克著。

　　He is trampling out the vintage is part of a linefrom The Battle Hymn of the Republic. Itcontinues where the grapes of wrath are stored. Thus the title of Frank Bardacke s historydeliberately echoes John Steinbeck s novel, a proletarian classic which tells the story oftenant farmers driven off their fields in Oklahoma and forced to cross the country to seekwork in California.

　　他踏在......是《共和國戰歌》里的一段，后接著擱憤怒葡萄的地方。因此，弗蘭克巴達克的史書的標題有意應和了約翰斯登貝克那部講述俄克拉荷馬失地佃農被迫橫穿美國到加州謀生的無產階級經典小說。

　　But, as Mr Bardacke stresses, a huge demographic difference divides then from now. In theDepression of the 1930s Steinbeck could present his impoverished Okies as deserving ofgovernment help because they were true American whites. It was harder for theirMexican-American successors to win public sympathy. They were brown, Spanish-speakingand considered aliens and sojourners.

　　但是，正如巴達克強調，從人口學上講，現在與過去已大不同。30年代大蕭條時，斯登貝克可以提出貧困的俄克拉荷馬人應得到政府幫助，因為他們是真正的美國白人。對墨西哥裔美國人來說，獲得公眾同情則比較難。這些棕色皮膚，說西班牙語的人被看作外國人和旅居者。

　　It took the genius of Csar Chvez, whose family was dispossessed of its land during hisboyhood, to bring them into the American mainstream. As a vegan inspired by Catholicsocial teaching and the non-violent methods of Mohandas Gandhi, Chvez was morecomfortable with religious people than political ones. He set out to create a movementrather than a union, leading a pilgrimage across the Central Valley of California to thestate capital, Sacramento, in 1966. When his followers were blocked by the police they kneltin prayer behind a picture of the Virgin of Guadalupe.

　　這使塞薩爾查韋斯，這個孩提時代便遭遇一家人流離失所的天才進入了美國主流社會。比起政界人士，作為一名受天主教社會教義以及莫罕達斯甘地非暴力主義鼓舞的素食主義者，他更認同宗教界人士。他打算發起一場運動，而非工會。這場運動是1966年由他領導的穿過加州中部山谷到達州府薩克拉門托的朝圣之旅。當被警察攔下時，他的追隨者跪在圣母像前做起了禱告。

　　The idealism of Chvez s movement and the fasts he endured to win support for strikingfarmworkers caught the public imagination. Other labour leaders looked on aghast as he builtan odd but strong coalition of farmworkers, religious enthusiasts, student radicals, politicians,artists and union officials. Working together they persuaded consumers in their millions toboycott the grapes, lettuces and other products of agribusinesses which refused to negotiatesincerely with the United Farm Workers . The tactic they perfected was described bycritics as victimhood. A photograph of a starving urchin was, for instance, captioned: Everygrape you buy helps keep this child hungry.

　　意在贏得罷工農民支持的查韋斯的運動的理論以及他所忍受的絕食引起了公眾的猜想。其他勞工領袖驚訝地發現，他建立了一個古怪的，卻集合了農民、宗教狂熱分子、學生激進分子、政治家、藝術家和工會干部的強大聯合。他們齊心協力勸說上百萬消費者抵制由拒絕真誠地與農會談判的農業公司所生產的產品：葡萄、生菜及其它。經他們完善的策略被評論家描述為受迫害情結。比如，一幅饑餓的兒童畫像下打出的標題是：你購買的每一顆葡萄都讓這個孩子挨餓。

　　Mr Bardacke is only half-impressed with all this. As he sees it Chvez had two mainresponsibilities: to sustain support for boycotts, which he did magnificently, and toadminister the union, which he did badly. The author notes that the union s membershipcontinued to decline in the late 1980s even after Chvez fasted for 36 days to support itsgrape boycott and anti-pesticide campaign. His verdict seems unduly harsh but then MrBardacke is an old-fashioned leftist. For him, strikebreakers are almost always scabs andgrowers not even worth listening to. This is a pity, for such prejudices mar an otherwiseintelligent, thorough history.

　　對此，巴達克則不置可否。依他之見，查韋斯擔負有兩個主要責任：維持對抵制的支持，這點他做得非常好，至于管理工會這點做得很糟糕。作者注明，即使查韋斯為聲援抵制葡萄及反殺蟲劑運動而絕食36天，工會會員數在80年代末期也不斷下降。他的結論看上去過于偏激，但巴達克是一名老左，對他來說，破壞罷工者幾乎全是工賊，而推波助瀾者甚至可以置之不理。這不得不說是種遺憾，因為其它方面的睿智的、深刻的歷史有損于這種偏見。

　　The UFW is indeed, as he contends, a shadow of its former self, but the odds against it eversucceeding as a conventional labour union were always impossibly large. Illegal migrantsfrom Mexico, poor and desperate for work, poured across the border to take the jobs ofUFW members and doom their strikes. The rival Teamsters union was no help. Its operativessabotaged UFW recruitment drives by telling farmworkers they would be much better off in atough professional union like theirs.

　　的確，正如他所主張的那樣，農會是其前身的影子。但它和它所繼承的傳統農會的差別一直很大。貧窮的、渴求工作的墨西哥非法移民如潮水般越過邊境，搶走了農會會員的飯碗，使得罷工失敗。其競爭對手，名為掌控者的工會對此一點忙都幫不上。他們告訴農民，加入像他們這樣強硬的職業工會日子會更好，這些行徑打擊了農會的招募新會員的動力。

　　Nonetheless Chvez left a significant legacy which is insufficiently acknowledged by MrBardacke. In leading by example and through the sheer force of his will he raised the statureof Mexican-Americans not just in California and the south-west but throughout the UnitedStates. In consequence, he is now held in the same high esteem as his black equivalent,Martin Luther King. Csar Chvez s portrait hangs in the National Gallery in Washington, DC.His statue stands on university campuses. Streets, parks and buildings are named after him.In California his birthday, March 31st, is a state holiday. His truth is marching on.

　　雖然不被巴達克完全認可，但查韋斯留下了一筆重要的遺產。榜樣以及他的遺志所產生的巨大力量不僅僅在加州和西南部，更在全美樹立了墨西哥裔美國人的形象。結果是，如今人們把他擺在了和馬丁路德金一樣受人尊敬的地位。塞薩爾查韋斯的畫像懸掛在華盛頓國家畫廊。他的塑像屹立在大學校園里。馬路、公園、建筑物以他的名字命名。在加州，他的生日，也就是3月31日，成了州立節日。他的真理將代代傳承。