61. Of course, it would be as dangerous to overreact to history by concluding that the majority must now be wrong about expansion as it would be to re-enact the response that greeted the suggestion that the continents had drifted.

　　62. While the fact of this consumer revolution is hardly in doubt, three key questions remain: who were the consumers? What were their motives? And what were the effect of the new demand for luxuries?

　　63. Although it has been possible to infer from the goods and services actually produced what manufacturers and servicing trades thought their customers wanted, only a study of relevant personal documents written by actual consumers will provide a precise picture of who wanted what.

　　64. With respect to their reasons for immigrating, Grassy does not deny their frequently noted fact that some of the immigrants of the 1630s, most notably the organizers and clergy, advanced religious explanations for departure, but he finds that such explanations usually assumed primacy only in retrospect.

　　65. If we take the age-and sex-specific unemployment rates that existed in 1956 （when the overall unemployment rate was 4.1 percent） and weight them by the age- and sex-specific shares of the labor force that prevail currently, the overall unemployment rate becomes 5 percent.

　　66. He was puzzled that I did not want what was obviously a step up toward what all Americans are taught to want when they grow up: money and power.

　　67. Unless productivity growth is unexpectedly large, however, the expansion of real output must eventually begin to slow down to the economys larger run growth potential if generalized demand pressures on prices are to be avoided.

　　68. However, when investment flows primarily in one direction, as it generally does from industrial to developing countries, the seemingly reciprocal source-based restrictions produce revenue sacrifices primarily by the state receiving most of the foreign investment and producing most of the incomenamely ,the developing country partner.

　　69. The pursuit of private interests with as little interference as possible from government was seen as the road to human happiness and progress rather than the public obligation and involvement in the collective community that emphasized by the Greeks.

　　70. The defense lawyer relied on long-standing principles governing the conduct of prosecuting attorneys: as quasi-judicial officers of the court they are under a duty not to prejudice a partys case through overzealous prosecution or to detract from the impartiality of courtroom atmosphere.

　　【句子翻譯】

　　61、當(dāng)然，對(duì)歷史反應(yīng)過(guò)度以致結(jié)論說(shuō)關(guān)于擴(kuò)張的問(wèn)題大多數(shù)人都錯(cuò)了與重新形成對(duì)大陸漂浮建議理論的反應(yīng)一樣，是危險(xiǎn)的。將來(lái)對(duì)于這些關(guān)鍵問(wèn)題的研究毫無(wú)疑問(wèn)是必要的，然而不應(yīng)該否定最近研究結(jié)論的說(shuō)服力，在18世紀(jì)的英格蘭對(duì)于一些微不足道和有使用價(jià)值的商品和服務(wù)的需求，預(yù)示了我們今天的世界。

　　62、然而這種消費(fèi)革命的情況還有疑問(wèn)，三個(gè)關(guān)鍵的問(wèn)題是：消費(fèi)者是什么人?他們的動(dòng)機(jī)是什么?對(duì)于奢侈品的新型需求的效果是什么?

　　63、盡管從生產(chǎn)廠商和服務(wù)行業(yè)認(rèn)為他們的顧客需要并實(shí)際生產(chǎn)的產(chǎn)品或者提供的服務(wù)來(lái)推斷他是可能的。但只有對(duì)實(shí)際的消費(fèi)者填寫(xiě)的個(gè)人資料的研究才能清楚地描述顧客的需求。

　　64、對(duì)于他們移民原因的細(xì)節(jié)，Grassy并不否認(rèn)他們經(jīng)常提出的事實(shí)-17世紀(jì)30年代的一些移民主要由組織家和牧師組成，提出了要離開(kāi)的宗教解釋?zhuān)l(fā)現(xiàn)只是以回顧的方式推定的基本情況。

　　65、如果我們將1956年（當(dāng)時(shí)的平均失業(yè)率為4、1%）的年齡和性別失業(yè)率分來(lái)用今天一般的勞動(dòng)力中年齡性別比來(lái)計(jì)算的話，平均失業(yè)率就是5%了。

　　66、他很迷惑我并不想要明顯的是所有美國(guó)人被教導(dǎo)長(zhǎng)大后要追求的東西：金錢(qián)和權(quán)力。

　　67、除非生產(chǎn)力的增長(zhǎng)出人意料的大，不然實(shí)際產(chǎn)出的擴(kuò)大最終要開(kāi)始減緩以適應(yīng)經(jīng)濟(jì)的可持續(xù)發(fā)展，這樣才能避免價(jià)格的綜合需求壓力。

　　68、然而，當(dāng)投資基本上流向一個(gè)方面時(shí)，就像一般從工業(yè)化到一般發(fā)展中國(guó)家一樣，看起來(lái)是基于雙方資源的規(guī)定產(chǎn)生的收入損失主要由接收大量外國(guó)投資和創(chuàng)造大部分收益的國(guó)家來(lái)承擔(dān)-即發(fā)展中國(guó)家一方。

　　69、盡可能沒(méi)有政府干預(yù)地追求個(gè)人利益被看作為通往人類(lèi)幸福的道路和進(jìn)步，而不是像希臘人強(qiáng)調(diào)的集體社會(huì)中的公共義務(wù)與參與。

　　70、辯護(hù)律師依靠長(zhǎng)期作用的準(zhǔn)則來(lái)約束原告律師的行來(lái)：作為法庭的準(zhǔn)司法人員，他們有責(zé)任不能過(guò)分起訴來(lái)偏見(jiàn)性對(duì)待一方的案子或者破壞法庭的公正氣氛

　　61. Of course, it would be as dangerous to overreact to history by concluding that the majority must now be wrong about expansion as it would be to re-enact the response that greeted the suggestion that the continents had drifted.

　　62. While the fact of this consumer revolution is hardly in doubt, three key questions remain: who were the consumers? What were their motives? And what were the effect of the new demand for luxuries?

　　63. Although it has been possible to infer from the goods and services actually produced what manufacturers and servicing trades thought their customers wanted, only a study of relevant personal documents written by actual consumers will provide a precise picture of who wanted what.

　　64. With respect to their reasons for immigrating, Grassy does not deny their frequently noted fact that some of the immigrants of the 1630s, most notably the organizers and clergy, advanced religious explanations for departure, but he finds that such explanations usually assumed primacy only in retrospect.

　　65. If we take the age-and sex-specific unemployment rates that existed in 1956 （when the overall unemployment rate was 4.1 percent） and weight them by the age- and sex-specific shares of the labor force that prevail currently, the overall unemployment rate becomes 5 percent.

　　66. He was puzzled that I did not want what was obviously a step up toward what all Americans are taught to want when they grow up: money and power.

　　67. Unless productivity growth is unexpectedly large, however, the expansion of real output must eventually begin to slow down to the economys larger run growth potential if generalized demand pressures on prices are to be avoided.

　　68. However, when investment flows primarily in one direction, as it generally does from industrial to developing countries, the seemingly reciprocal source-based restrictions produce revenue sacrifices primarily by the state receiving most of the foreign investment and producing most of the incomenamely ,the developing country partner.

　　69. The pursuit of private interests with as little interference as possible from government was seen as the road to human happiness and progress rather than the public obligation and involvement in the collective community that emphasized by the Greeks.

　　70. The defense lawyer relied on long-standing principles governing the conduct of prosecuting attorneys: as quasi-judicial officers of the court they are under a duty not to prejudice a partys case through overzealous prosecution or to detract from the impartiality of courtroom atmosphere.

　　【句子翻譯】

　　61、當(dāng)然，對(duì)歷史反應(yīng)過(guò)度以致結(jié)論說(shuō)關(guān)于擴(kuò)張的問(wèn)題大多數(shù)人都錯(cuò)了與重新形成對(duì)大陸漂浮建議理論的反應(yīng)一樣，是危險(xiǎn)的。將來(lái)對(duì)于這些關(guān)鍵問(wèn)題的研究毫無(wú)疑問(wèn)是必要的，然而不應(yīng)該否定最近研究結(jié)論的說(shuō)服力，在18世紀(jì)的英格蘭對(duì)于一些微不足道和有使用價(jià)值的商品和服務(wù)的需求，預(yù)示了我們今天的世界。

　　62、然而這種消費(fèi)革命的情況還有疑問(wèn)，三個(gè)關(guān)鍵的問(wèn)題是：消費(fèi)者是什么人?他們的動(dòng)機(jī)是什么?對(duì)于奢侈品的新型需求的效果是什么?

　　63、盡管從生產(chǎn)廠商和服務(wù)行業(yè)認(rèn)為他們的顧客需要并實(shí)際生產(chǎn)的產(chǎn)品或者提供的服務(wù)來(lái)推斷他是可能的。但只有對(duì)實(shí)際的消費(fèi)者填寫(xiě)的個(gè)人資料的研究才能清楚地描述顧客的需求。

　　64、對(duì)于他們移民原因的細(xì)節(jié)，Grassy并不否認(rèn)他們經(jīng)常提出的事實(shí)-17世紀(jì)30年代的一些移民主要由組織家和牧師組成，提出了要離開(kāi)的宗教解釋?zhuān)l(fā)現(xiàn)只是以回顧的方式推定的基本情況。

　　65、如果我們將1956年（當(dāng)時(shí)的平均失業(yè)率為4、1%）的年齡和性別失業(yè)率分來(lái)用今天一般的勞動(dòng)力中年齡性別比來(lái)計(jì)算的話，平均失業(yè)率就是5%了。

　　66、他很迷惑我并不想要明顯的是所有美國(guó)人被教導(dǎo)長(zhǎng)大后要追求的東西：金錢(qián)和權(quán)力。

　　67、除非生產(chǎn)力的增長(zhǎng)出人意料的大，不然實(shí)際產(chǎn)出的擴(kuò)大最終要開(kāi)始減緩以適應(yīng)經(jīng)濟(jì)的可持續(xù)發(fā)展，這樣才能避免價(jià)格的綜合需求壓力。

　　68、然而，當(dāng)投資基本上流向一個(gè)方面時(shí)，就像一般從工業(yè)化到一般發(fā)展中國(guó)家一樣，看起來(lái)是基于雙方資源的規(guī)定產(chǎn)生的收入損失主要由接收大量外國(guó)投資和創(chuàng)造大部分收益的國(guó)家來(lái)承擔(dān)-即發(fā)展中國(guó)家一方。

　　69、盡可能沒(méi)有政府干預(yù)地追求個(gè)人利益被看作為通往人類(lèi)幸福的道路和進(jìn)步，而不是像希臘人強(qiáng)調(diào)的集體社會(huì)中的公共義務(wù)與參與。

　　70、辯護(hù)律師依靠長(zhǎng)期作用的準(zhǔn)則來(lái)約束原告律師的行來(lái)：作為法庭的準(zhǔn)司法人員，他們有責(zé)任不能過(guò)分起訴來(lái)偏見(jiàn)性對(duì)待一方的案子或者破壞法庭的公正氣氛